Refugee Resettlement

Since the beginning of the Syrian Revolution in March 2011, many of the country’s urban areas have sustained extensive physical damage. Syria’s
second and third cities, Aleppo and Homs, have been especially hard-hit by the war, and their agglomerations were home to about 6.5 million people before the war began (out of a national population of approximately 22 million). In a country where, before the war, over fifty percent of the population lived in cities, planning postwar reconstruction is crucial. As the conflict enters its fifth year, the fate of the country’s destroyed cities has become the subject of international discussion.

Aleppo, the country’s second city, is reported to have seen the blunt of the damage, with large areas of the city either damaged or destroyed. The Old City of Aleppo, which is 5,000 years old and has earned the city its title as one of the oldest continually inhabited cities in the world, is the frontline of the battle between Syrian government and opposition forces. When the fighting subsides and reconstruction becomes possible, the issues of efficient rebuilding of the ancient city as well as its sustainable absorption of returning refugees will arise.

This paper proposes a roadmap to the reconstruction of Old Aleppo. It begins by explaining the necessity of rebuilding by reflecting on past cases in post-war and post-disaster eras. It then does a preliminary damage assessment of buildings in the Old City based on Satellite imagery, and proposes an adaptable model to estimate the costs and time of reconstruction. Third, the paper suggests locations and layouts for temporary camps for returning refugees. And finally, it explains how adequate policy measures are necessary for the achievement of both the reconstruction and temporary shelter of citizens.

States have increasingly moved away from refugee protection, intensifying the vulnerability of refugees and asylum-seekers. Drawing on theories of norm dynamics within International Relations (IR), this article argues that departures from refugee protection can be partly explained by the weakness of the normative principles governing the treatment of individuals fleeing persecution. Ambiguities, diverging interpretations, and varying levels of codification complicate efforts to hold states accountable to a complex bundle of human rights standards surrounding refugee and asylum protection. These weaknesses in the international refugee regime bolster norm-evading behavior wherein governments deliberately minimize their obligations while claiming technical compliance. Drawing on an analysis of US refugee and asylum policies under the Trump administration, the article reveals how norm evasion and accountability challenges emerge in the context of ambiguous standards vis-à-vis non-refoulement, non-detention, non-penalization, non-discrimination, and refugee responsibility-sharing. In response to global forced displacement-including an estimated 25 million refugees-governments have increasingly closed borders, detained and repatriated asylum-seekers against their will, developed 'deterrence' and 'repulsion' techniques to prevent asylum-seekers from reaching their territories, and engaged in other practices undermining human rights principles regarding the treatment of individuals fleeing persecution and conflict. 1 The denial of entry by European ports to asylum-seekers-including sick children-stranded for weeks in the Mediterranean, the deaths of children detained along the US southern border, and drastic cuts to third-country refugee resettlement prompt challenging questions about the status of the international refugee and asylum regime. 2 Given the barrage of state practices contravening human rights principles governing the treatment of refugees and asylum-seekers, it is reasonable to question whether refugee protection norms are in crisis.

Tomando como fio condutor eventos relativos ao programa de
Reassentamento Solidário de refugiados no Brasil, o artigo procura analisar como os princípios da solidariedade e da responsabilidade elaborados no âmbito de acordos internacionais são interpretados e ressignificados por atores situados em diferentes escalas de influência e participação na implementação das políticas de proteção e assistência a refugiados.

The global refugee crisis reveals refugees and other forcibly displaced persons (FDP) are uniquely vulnerable consumers on a dynamic pathway precipitated by trigger events that have disrupted or fractured marketing systems requisite for safety and well-being, resulting in dangerous journeys to temporary or permanent settlements. The Syrian Conflict is introduced to contextualize the challenges along the pathway and to show that a more Humanitarian Marketing System, spanning time, space and other systems, brings opportunities for governments, NGOs and businesses to cooperate and to provide FDP with resources, which enhance connectedness, reduce vulnerabilities and suffering, illuminate good practices and enable FDP to flourish when resettled. The authors discuss research-opportunities to facilitate further understanding, to develop and repair marketing systems, and to enhance the well-being of FDP and other stakeholders of the crisis.

This document presents a summary of the findings of a study conducted by Mahdy Alraie and Hannah Collins under the supervision of Dr Andrea Rigon at the Bartlett Development Planning Unit, University College London, in partnership with Citizens UK and Sponsor Refugees (The Citizens UK Foundation for the Sponsorship of Refugees). It compares two schemes for resettling newcomers in the UK and considers the perspectives of the newcomers and the host community.

Les résultats présentés aujourd'hui sont tirés d’une recherche-action, dir. par Lourdes Rodriguez, avec les cochercheures Marie-Jeanne Blain, Roxane Caron et Marie-Claire Rufagari. Il s’agit d’une recherche-action en partenariat avec la TCRI et un comité de la recherche . Celle-ci a été financée par le Conseil de recherche en sciences humaines du Canada (CRSH 2016-2017). Les résultats présentés ici sont préliminaires et présentés sous forme « d’éléments saillants ».
En somme, le fait que le programme de parrainage ait eu une visibilité sans précédent, que de nouveaux acteurs soient dorénavant impliqués dans le processus d’accueil et d’accompagnement à l’intégration de personnes réfugiées, il apparaît important de faire le point sur les différents besoins exprimés par les parrainés et leurs parrains.
La recherche démontre l’importance d’un accompagnement individualisé, non seulement des personnes parrainées, mais également de leurs parrains. Certes, ces personnes sont engagées dans un processus visant l’intégration à la société québécoise, mais sans le support du gouvernement et la concertation des milieux, leurs expériences peuvent s’avérer compliquées par des écueils relevant de l’accès à l’information et l’accès aux ressources. Par ailleurs, nous pouvons applaudir ces initiatives locales qui ont mobilisé un nombre impressionnant d’individus et d’organisations. Toutefois, le rôle du gouvernement, l’appui offert aux organisations offrant un support à l’accueil et l’intégration ainsi que le rôle plus large d’autres instances de la société qui croiseront les parcours de ces personnes réfugiées et de leurs parrains est central.
Les besoins des personnes réfugiées parrainés laissent poindre la nécessité de penser des outils, des personnes-ressources et des programmes spécifiques en regard de plusieurs enjeux. Quoique ces pistes évoquées soient préliminaires, des éléments saillants se dégagent fortement par rapport aux différentes sphères évoquées : les rôles et responsabilités des parrains et des parrainés; l’accès à l’information et aux ressources; la langue; l’accès à l’information et aux ressources; la compréhension du système éducatif et du système de santé (et les besoins d’interprétariat); l’insertion socioprofessionnelle; l’insertion sociale; les besoins au niveau ‘émotionnels’; les questions relatives au budget et aux finances. Tous ces enjeux invitent à penser des outils spécifiques, mais aussi à poursuivre et bonifier les initiatives existantes.
Notre équipe souhaite poursuivre les réflexions et collaborations à cet égard.

In this article I explore how the child welfare system in Australia is a basis of governmentality, drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted with 35 women resettled in Australia as refugees originating from African countries. Although the explicit aim of the child welfare system is to protect children from a risk of significant harm, the findings presented here suggest that such systems can concurrently operate to evaluate, monitor, and demand behavioural change from women who are the subject of intervention in accordance with logics of white neoliberal motherhood, in which parental merit is measured through, and problematised by, factors of racialisation, assumptions of cultural difference, counter-heteronormativity, and socioeconomic marginalisation. I argue that the child welfare system not only operates to protect children, but can also function as an instrument to govern women to 'fit' with an idealised standard of citizenship in Australia. Thereby supplanting maternal guardianship with the mandate of government institutions, operations of child welfare position the paternalistic authority of the state as absolute and render mothers who do not conform to white neoliberal motherhood as vulnerable to intervention. Motherhood is an arena in which national anxieties are imagined and played out on the bodies of women and the formation of families. Tensions concerning who is considered a 'good' mother, how the 'right' parenting is conducted, and what constitutes as a 'proper' family not only attach hierarchical frameworks of merit to motherhood and family, but also express – and co-constitute – shared anxieties about race and nationhood) emphasises, nationhood is not static: and it is through the bodies of women and their experiences of motherhood particular formations of civic belonging are both natur-alised and excluded. Drawing on research conducted with women from African refugee backgrounds who have experienced the removal of a child through the child welfare system in Australia, in this article I describe how 'good' citizenship is realised through formations of state governance over family life and, particularly, through the kinds of expectations that are attached to 'good' motherhood.

Blain Marie-Jeanne, Pascale Chanoux, Marie-Claire Rufagari avec le soutien de l’équipe Employabilité des personnes réfugiées (phase restitution) : Nisrin Al-Yahya, Roxane Caron, Hicham Khanafer, Lisette Richard, Lourdes Rodriguez, Noémie Trosseille. (2018) « RECOMMANDATIONS, suite à la recherche exploratoire « Employabilité des personnes réfugiées », la tenue de groupes de discussion et l’apport du comité de restitution. TCRI, ROSINI et ERASME, 8 avril 2018, Montréal, 3 p.

Participation in sport provides different forms of capital for all, but particularly for those with refugee backgrounds who are facing settlement issues. Such people are caught in a challenging situation of dealing with settlement issues such as homesickness, cultural shock, lack of a background of social activities and networks, lack of employment, racism and discrimination. As a result of these settlement challenges and other social issues, a large number of young people become disengaged. Therefore, the aim of this study is to explore a social benefit of participation in sport for the South Sudanese people from refugee backgrounds who are settling in Melbourne, Australia. For people with social isolation and other social issues, participation in sport can be a tool that assists those young people by providing physical benefits, a social network (thus breaking social isolation) and sometimes a form of income as a result of being noticed as a good player. Participating in sport can...

California is home to approximately one-third of the Cambodian American population, many of whom came to the United States as refugees. In a chapter from her book, Southeast Asian Migration: People on the Move in Search of Work, Refuge and Belonging, BIMI-affiliate and Associate Professor of Ethnic Studies Khatharya Um, explores how Cambodian American youth participate in artistic expression and political engagement to navigate the burdens of transgenerational trauma and forced migration. Drawing on Prof. Um’s research, this policy brief makes recommendations for activists, educators, policy makers, and service providers to support the empowerment of young Cambodian Americans and other refugee communities.

Over 5.5 million Syrian refugees were forcibly displaced worldwide according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR, 2017), fleeing an inhumane war in their country. Many of them are now facing a different kind of war: they are being accused of being terrorists, parasites and rapists, through a powerful and almost unstoppable hate speech propaganda on social media. Throughout this study I posit that host society youth are key players in the integration and the inclusion of these refugees. However, programs in educational settings are ill-designed to equip youth and empower them to face racism and to withstand the online flux of disinformation, let alone to play a leadership role in counterbalancing social media propaganda and manipulation.
The objective of my study was twofold: First I wanted to understand how this youth viewed their role in the integration and the inclusion of refugees in their societies, in a context where the image of refugees was deeply influenced by social media, especially after terror attacks. Second, I wanted to discover the knowledge and the skills they developed through the process of learning about themselves, more specifically through identifying the construct systems they used when facing digital propaganda targeting sensitive and controversial issues such as the Syrian refugee crisis. To meet this objective, I conducted 66 in-depth interviews with 22 youth between 18 and 24 years old from Canada. The instruments I used stemmed from Personal Construct Psychology because this theory considers experiences to be at the core of how construals about concepts are formed. During the first meetings, the participants were convinced that despite the fact that they were able to withstand the digital propaganda against the refugees, they were helpless when it came to helping others recognize the signs of manipulation. Through the in-depth discussions, however, the participants had an “aha” moment. They suddenly realized that not only they could control how social media influenced them, but also that they could and should shape the online image that was shared online of the refugee presence in Canada. Their bystander stance was by itself an act against the resettlement of refugees, and this act had to stop.  They started questioning their own answers, reflecting on their own behaviours online, trying to make sense of their decisions and of what made them think that they were different than other Canadians.  Their empathy towards refugees increased and another developed towards the groups who rejected refugees. They identified factors that could lead to islamophobia, racism and fear and developed strategies to counterbalance them and to help host societies make informed choices.  The results of this study provide a concrete model, tools and strategies to be adopted by educators, civic educators, social workers, curriculum developers, policy makers and parents to help youth learn about themselves, as a first step to cease being manipulated by the media, and to become ready to confront hate speech, to act as influential agents of change, and to voice their concerns and ideas in the matters that affect their lives.

Guia didàctica per a entendre les causes i les conseqüències del fenomen creixent dels desplaçaments forçats, i per a reflexionar sobre els reptes de l'acollida.
Els objectius del material didàctic inclouen no només la formació crítica de l'alumnat respecte d'aquesta qüestió, sinó també convidar a l'alumnat a que faci propostes a l'Ajuntament de Barcelona sobre com hauria de ser l'acollida d'aquestes persones (En el marc del projecte de participació infantil de l'Audiència Pública als nois i noies de la ciutat).

The contours of Canadian refugee policies have in recent years fluctuated from a narrative of 'bogus' refugees requiring a tough approach of interdiction to one of urgent humanitarian assistance. These rapid discursive shifts highlight the fragility of how Canada's humanitarian responses, and its place in the world, are conceptualized. Using the case study of Canada's responses to the Syrian conflict, this short paper argues that state responses must be critically interrogated in order to move away from homogenizing narratives grounded in tropes such as 'fear', 'floods' and 'crisis', which continue to impact how state, media, and public discourse handle the influx of refugees. Examining how the Canadian state performs its sovereignty in response to the Syrian conflict is instructive to reveal its broader nation-building projects, ones which utilize particular tropes of fear to justify suspicion and exclusion of bodies that have been cast as dangerous and uncontrollable. While Canada is once again presenting itself as a global leader in refugee and human rights issues, it remains to be seen whether these more humane policies can withstand the continuing millennial border anxieties of the West when facing the prospect of resettling increasingly large numbers of refugees.

As an outreach tool, Rain in a Dry Land helps viewers see beyond group labels or statistics by showing each subject as a complex individual with his or her own set of needs. Each person’s unique experience provides an outstanding opportunity for Americans to learn about the Bantu and to see ourselves and our culture through new eyes.

FILM SYNOPSIS: Two Somali Bantu families are transported by relief agencies from years of civil war and refugee life to settle in Springfield, Massachusetts and Atlanta, Georgia.

*Served as one of the guide producers.

Once refugees are granted protection in a particular host country, there is little concern about where in that country they are settled. Yet this matters enormously for refugees' chances to prosper in the new country and for the willingness of the local community to welcome them. We propose a centralized clearinghouse—a 'two-sided matching system'—to match refugees with localities. Drawing on the success of matching in domains such as public school choice, we outline principles underlying matching-system design, and illustrate in general terms how they could be applied to refugee protection. This matching system respects the priorities and capacities of localities and gives agency to refugees. As an example, we describe in detail how such a system could work to meet the British government's commitment to resettle 20,000 Syrian refugees by 2020.

Through six intensive and semi-structured interviews, this research paper examines the role social support networks may or may not have played in facilitating the resettlement experiences of Chinese-Vietnamese refugees living in Canada after the Vietnam War. It was observed that those who were privately-sponsored emphasized the instrumental role their benefactors played in assisting their successful resettlement, whereas those who were government-sponsored were forced to adopt a more independent mindset of forming their own social support systems. Regardless of sponsorship type, the notion of hard work was a commonality found amongst the participants. They arrived at the receiving country expecting and willing to accept conditions of underemployment and downward mobility. The effects of pre-migration enabling factors such as marital status and educational attainment are also acknowledged. Within a social support framework, theories of social capital and resiliency are used to analyze the lives of the participants after the traumatic experience of forced migration.

Keywords: Chinese-Vietnamese refugees, resettlement, Canada, social support network, resiliency theory

Despite its inaccessibility (it remains untranslated and copies are hard to obtain), Vinigi Grottanelli’s Pescatori dell’Oceano indiano (1955) is generally agreed to be one of the best studies of a rural Swahili-speaking community. It’s our principal ethnographic source on the Bajuni (aka Gunya, aka Tikuu), whose traditional territory comprised a long string of coastal settlements and islands between Kismayu (Somalia) in the north and the Lamu archipelago (Kenya) in the south. And the political turmoil of recent decades in Somalia has turned it into a valuable historical document, a record of a way of life that for thousands of Bajuni has been shattered by persecution and conflict.

Civil War in Syria created a large scale humanitarian crisis causing a mass human migration up to seven million in total. The largest neighboring country-Turkey has the greatest number of Syrian refugees exceeding 2.7 million. In the expectation of a quick resolution for the conflict and sending the immigrants back, the host country has taken only palliative temporary actions. This study investigates the options that Turkey has for the immigration problem. Elaborating on integration techniques for immigrants, the paper suggests possible policies for implementation of social integration in the future decades. Based on strategic management principles, the author presents advantages and disadvantages of integration, maintenance of status quo, and prevention of immigration.

Especially in the case of refugees, the past and its memory tend to be definitional components for personal and social constructions of identity. At the same time, the relationship with the past is frequently problematic and challenging. This study identifies two main narratives and subject positions adopted by refugee participants from the former Yugoslavia: ‘the past is past’ and ‘the past is our strength.’ I analyse the complexity implicit in these two narratives about the past. Although these narratives at first appear contradictory, the participants’ stories illustrate the ways in which they co-operate for the development of mental health in refugees. The ongoing dialogue between the two narratives allows for the participants’ endorsement of subject positions that refer to both individual and collective identities. The strategic use of history permits reinterpretations and relocations of traumatic memories as well as the formation of self-healing narratives that reframe refugee identities in the light of ethnic history and shared experience. I critically discuss the implications of this narrative reframing in relation to aspects of dominant discourses about refugee mental health and postmodern considerations in psychology and counselling.

After the end of World War II, millions of people were uprooted all over Europe. After realizing that many of those people did not want to return to their former places of origin, the United Nations founded the International Refugee Organization (IRO) to repatriate those displaced persons (DPs) who wanted to return home and to resettle refugees who did not in other countries. Venezuela was neither actively involved in World War II, nor (at that time) in the approaching Cold War. Nevertheless, this "third world" country became involved, both in the political discussion about the international resettlement program, and as the receiving country of 17,000 DPs. In this context, the paper asks who was resettled in Venezuela and in what way those people were able to influence and negotiate their resettlement in Venezuela. The paper thus focusses on the agency of DPs and the IRO's decision-making processes in their European field offices.

This research aims to cast scholarly light on the burgeoning Somali community in Nashville, Tennessee, by examining the residential patterns of Somali refugees. Using a mixed-methods approach that includes in-depth interviews, focus groups, and volunteer agencies, this study reveals that Somali refugees face particular barriers that directly influence the residential processes of Nashville’s Somali refugee community. Some of these barriers are rooted in the Somali community’s interpretation of Islam forbidding the provision or acceptance of loans with interest (ribā) from banks and other lenders, leading many Somalis to feel they are unable to participate in common Western banking practices. These types of barriers can limit both homeownership and entrepreneurial endeavors. Such complex cultural factors shaping Somali refugee resettlement challenge the deterministic model of spatial assimilation theory and underscore the need for more nuanced, group-specific research to understand the residential patterns and spatial outcomes of new refugee and immigrant communities in metropolitan areas in the U.S. South. The findings from this study are of value to local policymakers and community-based organizations interested in crafting legislation and establishing services that help Somali refugees better adapt to their host society.

Since 1991, large numbers of Somalis have migrated abroad. Many of them relocated to refugee camps in neighbouring countries, others reside further afield in western countries. With the understanding that processes of settlement are varied, this article gives an overview of the social context in which Somali migration and settlement has occurred in two countries, Italy and Australia. In Italy, citizenship is seldom granted to Somalis. On the other hand, Australia offers official recognition to them in the form of citizenship within a multicultural model, however limited or " thin " this may be. This article compares the resettlement trajectories of migrants and refugees from Somalia in the two countries. This comparative overview forms a basis for understanding the immigration policies and perceptions of immigrants in Italy and Australia and makes possible an informed engagement with the nuances of Somali experiences in the diaspora.

Résumé
L’objectif principal de cette recherche est de documenter les processus d’intégration professionnelle de personnes réfugiées qui se sont établies au Québec ainsi que les ressources communautaires en employabilité impliquées. L’étude vise à recueillir les représentations des personnes réfugiées, leurs besoins et parcours socioprofessionnels ainsi que leurs expériences au regard des services en employabilité consultés. Elle vise également à explorer les pratiques professionnelles des intervenants, les facteurs inhibant ou favorisant leurs interventions ainsi que leurs représentations quant aux défis et leviers concernant l’intégration professionnelle des personnes réfugiées. Cette étude a pour but de mettre en lumière ce qui relève des caractéristiques structurelles du marché du travail (entre autres) et des spécificités des personnes réfugiées en matière d’employabilité.
L’étude a permis de recueillir en 2016-2017 les points de vue de 14 personnes réfugiées et de 17 intervenants en employabilité du milieu communautaire (entrevues semi-dirigées et groupe de discussion). Ce rapport se penche sur les défis et les éléments facilitant l’intégration socioprofessionnelle, selon la perspective de chacun de ces acteurs.
La recherche soulève de multiples tensions concernant les conditions d’accès des personnes réfugiées. De fait, les caractéristiques des personnes réfugiées peuvent dans certaines circonstances les rendre inadmissibles aux programmes en employabilité (faible maîtrise de la langue, sans preuve de scolarité, forte désemployabilité perçue, etc.). Les intervenants rencontrés, prenant en compte les trajectoires complexes, sont fortement interpellés par cette dimension. En effet, intervenir dans des situations de fort potentiel de discrimination systémique soulève de nombreux enjeux. Ce paradoxe est d’autant plus criant dans un contexte où le Québec reçoit des transferts budgétaires du Canada, en particulier concernant les réfugiés pris en charge par l’État. À ce paradoxe s’ajoute le fait que les réfugiés sélectionnés sont principalement orientés pour s’établir dans des villes en dehors des grands centres, dans un contexte où l’accès aux services publics en région est un enjeu.
Les intervenants en employabilité du milieu communautaire démontrent l’importance d’une approche sensible aux contraintes systémiques. Cette sensibilité face à des structures contraignantes qui peuvent exclure ou déqualifier la personne réfugiée peuvent amener tout autant des situations d’impuissance que des habiletés à déjouer les contraintes. Cette approche requiert selon eux de penser « en dehors du cadre » et de trouver des solutions « novatrices » ou « alternatives », voire parfois par « voie de contournement ». Cette sensibilité aux contraintes systémiques se dévoile tant à travers l’approche (penser en dehors du cadre, trouver des solutions pour des personnes expérimentant à certains niveaux de la discrimination systémique) qu’à travers les liens créés avec des partenaires, la participation à la concertation et la mobilisation – afin de mettre à contribution l’ensemble des milieux pour un accueil favorable aux personnes réfugiées.
Mots clés : employabilité, programmes de soutien à l’intégration socioprofessionnelle, intervention, milieu communautaire, personnes réfugiées, Québec, processus d’inclusion-exclusion, intégration professionnelle, conseiller en emploi.

This study of refugee resettlement contributes a novel conceptual framework to the sociology of forced migration. Drawing on interviews with Syrian refugees in their first year of resettlement in Ontario, Canada, we demonstrate how successful sponsorship counters the “non-person” status associated with refugee recognition. During displacement refugees mobilize their pre-conflict roles to secure self-rescue against forces of conflict. During resettlement refugees assert their eligibility to exist and authority to act as “persons” in a reception context that challenges the normative authority of their pre-conflict social roles. Refugee-host interactions that affirm pre-conflict social roles provide the basis for shared trust and enhance the experience of resettlement, confirming statuses which counter the structural violence of refugee role confinement.

(request paper from author or follow link and download from Social Forces homepage)

This book revisits the partition of the Punjab, its attendant violence and, as a consequence, the divided and dislocated Punjabi lives. Navigating nostalgia and trauma, dreams and laments, identity(s) and homeland(s), it explores the partition of the very idea of Punjabiyat.
It was Punjab (along with Bengal) that was divided to create the new nations of India and Pakistan and that inherited a communalised and fractured self. In subsequent years, religious and linguistic sub-divisions followed – arguably, no other region of the sub-continent has had its linguistic and ethnic history submerged within respective national and religious identity(s) and none paid the price of partition like the pluralistic, pre-partition Punjab.
This book is about the dissonance, distortion and dilution which details the past of the region. It describes ‘people’s history’ through diverse oral narratives, literary traditions and popular accounts. In terms of space, it documents the experience of partition in the two prosperous localities of Ludhiana and Lyallpur (now Faisalabad), with a focus on migration; and in the Muslim princely state of Malerkotla, with a focus on its escape from the violence of 1947. In terms of groups, it especially attends to women and their experiences, beyond the symbolic prism of ‘honour’. Critically examining existing accounts, discussing the differential impact of partition, and partaking in the ever democratising discourse on it, this book attempts to illustrate the lack of closure associated with 1947.

The refugee issue which has been termed a crisis in Europe has almost become a household discussion; not only has the ‘crisis’(UNHCR, ) lingered for years, but it in turn created more problems to which the international community seeks solutions for.(D.W.COM); Postelnicescu, 2016; Schilling et al., 2017). The need for durable solutions to the Refugee crisis, stems from the protracted and equally continuous nature of the situation, leading many states to shut their doors to reception of new asylum seekers.(Patrick Wintour, 2017; Woolsey, 2018). While the UNHCR and other stakeholders desire longer lasting solutions beyond life in an asylum camp, the former has however promoted Local integration as one of such solutions to the crisis.(United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, ) 
For Europe however, the local integration of refugees has become the new challenge.(For europe, integrating refugees is the next big challenge.2016) A number of reasons underscore this challenge. The forerunner of them being the difficulty in defining such a concept that has both legal and social dimensions, and therefore understanding how encompassing it should be.(Ager & Strang, 2008). Besides the definition challenge, “lack of early community preparation and involvement”, as well the structure of integration policies which focuses mainly on refugees’ economic integration, and which places the burden to integrate mainly, (if not only) on refugees (what I refer to as a one-sided approach) all contribute to obstacles in local integration in Europe. The consequential shortcomings of this approach to local integration, have made it increasingly crucial to re-evaluate related practices and policies for the sake of the sustainability of an inevitably more diverse host society, and to prevent the perpetuation of division among communities. A two-sided approach of a well-rounded integration program, multifaceted, involving different layers of the society, as well as the entire community is an ideal durable solution for the refugee situation facing Europe.
It is based on this premise that this paper will describe and analyze two main types of obstacles that slow down, or in many cases hinder the integration of refugees in Europe.

ABSTRACT The federal government provides for an array of benefits and services for the multitude of refugees who arrive in the United States each year. Generally, the government contracts implementation of these services to local nonprofit refugee resettlement organizations. This article examines the role of these organizations in implementing the Department of State’s Reception and Placement program. Specifically, this study focuses on the how caseworkers secure housing for newly arrived refugee clients in a context shaped not only by fluctuations in refugee admissions and allocations but also by federal contracts and performance standards. This article uses street-level organizations theory as a guide to analyze original data collected from a comparative organizational ethnography of 2 local urban refugee resettlement organizations. Key findings include that the structure of the refugee admissions and allocation system drives financial instability down to the local level, and that the ability of the local organizations to secure safe, sanitary housing differ based on the extent to which caseworkers prioritize fostering strong relationships with landlords. These findings have implications for how policy makers think about refugee allocations as well as for the ways in which social workers and administrators provide housing related services to their refugee clients.

Om mission og nødhjælp blandt armenske folkedrabsoverlevende i Osmannerriget og Grækenland før, under og efter Første Verdenskrig samt om den danske missionær Jensine Ørtz. I:
Dansk Armeniermission, maj 2017, s. 2-4.
Del 2 findes her, s. 4-6:
http://armenien.dk/wp-content/uploads/December-2017.pdf

Climate change threatens to cause the largest refugee crisis in human history. Millions of people, largely in Africa and Asia, might be forced to leave their homes to seek refuge in other places or countries over the course of the century. Yet the current institutions, organizations, and funding mechanisms are not sufficiently equipped to deal with this looming crisis. The situation calls for new governance. We thus outline and discuss in this article a blueprint for a global governance architecture on the protection and voluntary resettlement of climate refugees—defined as people who have to leave their habitats because of sudden or gradual alterations in their natural environment related to one of three impacts of climate change: sea-level rise, extreme weather events, and drought and water scarcity. We provide an extensive review of current estimates of likely numbers and probable regions of origin of climate refugees. With a view to existing institutions, we argue against the extension of the definition of refugees under the 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. Key elements of our proposal are, instead, a new legal instrument specifically tailored for the needs of climate refugees—a Protocol on Recognition, Protection, and Resettlement of Climate Refugees to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change—as well as a separate funding mechanism.

Nel contesto dell'attuale dibattito sulle strategie e sulle misure da adottare per una gestione efficace dei flussi migratori, il tema delle vie di accesso legale alla protezione internazionale sta rivestendo crescente attenzione nell'Unione europea. Tuttavia, nonostante le varie iniziative e le discussioni sul punto, i risultati concretamente raggiunti appaiono ancora ampiamenti insufficienti. Gli Stati membri, infatti, si dimostrano nettamente più interessati ad altri profili di politica migratoria, quali la sicurezza interna, la sorveglianza delle frontiere e il rafforzamento del controllo dei confini, con la conseguenza che le opzioni di mobilità legale e sicura a disposizione dei richiedenti protezione internazionale restano ancora estremamente limitate. Tuttavia, pur nella scarsità dei risultati ad oggi ottenuti, l'Unione europea ha comunque posto in essere dei tentativi di apertura di canali legali per accedere alla protezione come, in particolare, il reinsediamento, i Programmi di Sviluppo e Protezione Regionale e i visti umanitari. Nella situazione attuale, l'offerta di opzioni legali di accesso alla protezione resta per lo più affidata ad altri contesti come, in particolare, quello dei singoli Stati membri e delle iniziative dagli stessi individualmente predisposte. In questo senso, i corridoi umanitari attivati dall'Italia e il programma di ammissione umanitaria a favore dei siriani organizzato dall'Irlanda offrono esempi significativi.

This contribution interprets the east-central European post-liberal governments’
recent anti-immigrant, anti-refugee and anti-human-rights hysteria in the context of the increasing dependence of the region’s societies for livelihood on employment in the western EU, the widespread racialization of east European labor in the western EU, and the refusal of east European political elites and societies at large to consider possible “Left” critiques of the EU. Given those circumstances, and laboring under related anxieties, post-state-socialist political elites and societies have assumed a fundamentalist-racialist posture. They redirect their repressed anger toward incoming refugees, claim an ahistorical, essential kind of Whiteness and contribute to rigidifying European discussions of “race.”

To access the article, please follow the link to the publisher https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/slavic-review/article/unbearable-whiteness-of-the-polish-plumber-and-the-hungarian-peacock-dance-around-race/59244B15CB295020E51DF252BDA76604.

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If that fails, please contact the authors at jborocz@rutgers.edu or jborocz@gmail.com or msarkar@binghamton.edu and they will be happy to provide a copy. Sorry for the inconvenience.