Political Refugees

งานวิจัยนี้มีวัตถุประสงค์ในการศึกษา 1) เพื่ออธิบายที่มาของการกลายเป็นผู้ลี้ภัยทางการเมือง แนวคิด อุดมการณ์ และ 2) เพื่อวิเคราะห์ยุทธศาสตร์การเอาตัวรอดของการเป็นผู้ลี้ภัยทางการเมือง รวมทั้งวิธีการเข้าถึงที่อยู่อาศัยการได้รับความช่วยเหลือ รวมทั้งอุปสรรคต่าง ๆ ในการใช้ชีวิตของการเป็นผู้ลี้ภัยทางการเมือง โดยผู้วิจัยได้ใช้วิธีการวิจัยเชิงคุณภาพ ผ่านการสัมภาษณ์เชิงลึกแบบกึ่งโครงสร้าง (Semi structure in-depth interview) โดยมีกลุ่มตัวอย่างเป็นผู้ลี้ภัยทางการเมืองคนไทยที่อาศัยอยู่ในประเทศฝรั่งเศส และองค์กรพัฒนาเอกชนที่ให้การสนับสนุนและช่วยเหลือกลุ่มผู้ลี้ภัยดังกล่าว

This thesis illustrates the narrative of the Greek political refugees of Tashkent and seeks to recognize their Greek and Soviet identity. By examining the public and private spaces of Greek political refugees in Soviet Tashkent between 1949-1974, the thesis identifies the beliefs, symbols and practices, which reveal the hybridity of Greek-Soviet identity.  Research and its findings are based on oral histories and Greek-language newspapers published during the period as well as on memoirs of Greeks who lived in Tashkent. This will aid our understanding of the collective memory and homemaking narrative of the Greek experience in Soviet Tashkent. The collective narrative of Greeks of Tashkent emerges as a very positive and idealized one. Greeks legitimized their settlement in Tashkent by showing how they defended Soviet ideology and how they contributed to and developed Soviet society. The homemaking narrative allowed Greeks to belong to the imagined Greek Soviet Community, the imagined Soviet community and the imagined Greek community.

This article investigates the arrival and reception of political refugees of the 1848–1849 revolutions in the Kingdom of Greece. In addition to providing a new chapter on the transnational history of the so-called forty-eighters across Europe, I examine their presence in Greece in relation to broader questions concerning the nature of Greek nationalism and state formation during the mid-nineteenth century. Specifically, this study shows that the refugees, who fled mostly from Italy in late 1849, did not find in Greece the long-term hospitality they anticipated. After a short halcyon period, the humanitarian crisis and the supposed radical political threat that the arrival of the refugees posed pushed the Greek government to enact harsh policies against them. These measures ranged from shutting down Greece’s borders to new political fugitives to deporting the most prominent émigrés. At the same time, the Greek public sphere remained essentially unwilling to reverse this policy. This development, I argue, demonstrated the limits of Greco-Italian nationalist solidarity, which originated in the revolutions of the 1820s. A study of these limits can lead to a more nuanced analysis of nineteenth-century Mediterranean nationalisms. Lastly, I claim that these counterrefugee policies contributed significantly to a considerable expansion of state authority in 1850s Greece, which had notable parallels with the administrative reforms in many other European states after 1848.

RESUMEN Esta comunicación tiene dos propósitos, por una parte visibilizar el papel de las refugiadas colombianas como defensoras de derechos humanos transnacionales y, por otra, dar a conocer los cambios sociales que están propiciando dichas refugiadas que, aunque en apariencia parecen minoritarios o marginales, pueden constituir interesantes indicadores sobre las transformaciones a las que asistimos en la sociedad global y nos ofrece una perspectiva amplia para reflexionar sobre los nuevos modelos de ciudadanía global, sobre la construcción de políticas sociales y sobre el papel de las minorías en ellos. Se pretende reconocer los rasgos principales de su activismo y examinar sus estrategias en el campo de la acción colectiva para la defensa de los derechos humanos y su contribución a la paz en Colombia, así como también a la creación de una ciudadanía global crítica, tomando como referencia su participación asociativa y las estrategias de incidencia política desplegadas a través de la cuáles han articulado su pertenencia como ciudadanas con derechos en más de un Estado-nación.

Source link: https://nakedhumanity.blogspot.com/2022/06/no-place-to-run-no-place-to-hide-other.html

We're in a struggle for existence, for which no escape, aka elective emigration to a more welcoming environment beyond your own mental stream of consciousness will be sufficient.

The monster must be engaged and annihilated in its nest. In this particular situation the United States, but other nests of repressing human dignity and liberty exist in all the continents. You, here in the 'United Snakes' [forgive me, 'Br'er Serpents', for using your classification for this pejorative]. No matter where you go and run to, there is no escaping the tentacles of this beast which holds no boundaries as to be respected. This 'Beast' will come and insidiously infect the minds and souls who would be its proxy to indirectly subvert and undermine the vitality, peace, an aspirations-with the collateral cost of blood and lives, as determined with indifferent prejudice.

You won't have the secure and table culture, society, civilization to which you aspire until you uproot-to-its-depths the tenticular fibrils of this organism of thought so incarnate in so many. Any place you go can and should be, at the least, a logistical center for the asymmetic operations to be deployed against the cultural operations and even its willing banal operators of this beastly form of being.

With only the 'rest of arousing-to-disturbing dreams' as your only expected "peace/piece" you must and need discipline your mind-soul-body for that which only the modular and temporary superficial shell that represents your presences exhausts itself or is extinguished by your valiant devotion to this cause and its ends.

So said,
Merlin Henry Harper Jr
25 June 2022
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The wars of dissolution in the Former Yugoslavia from 1991 to 1995 created a refugee crisis on a scale unseen in Europe since the end of the Second World War. A chief aim of the aggressors in these wars of dissolution was to physically displace large numbers of people utilizing systematic terror campaings of murder, rape, torture, and other forms of intimidation - collectively known as ethnic cleansing. The goals of ethnic cleansing were to create ethnically pure territories within the former Republics, specifically those that previously confederated to form the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRJ), and to force the re-drawing of national boundaries to reflect the ethnic make-up of the newly devised majorities in these territories. This article addresses the problems inherent in the application of temporary protection to the large number of genuine 1951 Convention refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina, and argues that refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina who spent more tha...

La implementación del Plan Colombia en el año 2000 produjo un cambio en la dinámica del conflicto colombiano: el Estado decidió combatir el narcotráfico mediante la erradicación de cultivos ilícitos en tres provincias del sur, Caquetá, Putumayo y Nariño. Dado que dos de éstas lindan con la frontera ecuatoriana, se produjo un desbordamiento del fenómeno de desplazamiento hacia el país vecino. Ecuador, por su parte, respondió a la crisis amparando a dicha población bajo el estatus de “refugio político”. El presente artículo aborda, en primer lugar, la situación de los refugiados políticos colombianos en Ecuador como una consecuencia directa de la relación de dependencia de Colombia con Estados Unidos, materializada en la ejecución del “Plan Colombia”. En segundo lugar plantea que la aceptación de los refugiados políticos, por parte del Estado ecuatoriano, responde a una estrategia de liberación de su propia situación de dependencia, en términos de la política de seguridad internacional.