Jan Rath

En 1982, le marocain Hassan Bel Ghazi publiait un livre intitule Deux cultures : exploitation et opportunisme. C'etait pratiquement la premiere fois qu'un «hote etranger» ecrivait un ouvrage de ce genre aux Pays-Bas. Bel Ghazi y affirmait, entre autres, que «les migrants, qui (...) representent une force vitale pour l'economie du pays, sont totalement absents en matiere politique». Il reprochait aux Hollandais leur paternalisme et leur ingerence, contraire aux interets des immigrants. Selon lui, cette ingerence eloignait les immigrants des syndicats et les empechait de developper leurs propres associations. Tout ceci contribuait a leur isolement politique. ; Cette etude se propose de faire le point sur les declarations provocatrices de Bel Ghazi. Dresse-t-il un tableau fidele de la situation aux Pays-Bas et si oui, comment expliquer cette situation d'un point de vue theorique ? Cette analyse est illustree par un exemple concret : la participation des immigrants aux elections locales de 1986.

Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible.

This essay concludes the Symposium on the mixed embeddedness approach to migrant entrepreneurship by briefly outlining the development of mixed embeddedness, reflecting on its position within the international field of migrant entrepreneurship research, and by highlighting its key elements. We first discuss how the mixed embeddedness approach came into being. Thereafter we highlight the basic components of the approach and we argue why such an approach should be preferred to other, more mono-causal approaches. Our contribution concludes by pointing to the adjustments that the approach has undergone since its introduction in the late 1990s.

Het aantal cappuccinotenten in Amsterdam groeit explosief. Betekent dit dat Amsterdammers eensklaps veel meer van koffie zijn gaan houden? Feit is dat de snelle verspreiding van wat wordt genoemd ‘specialty coffee bars’ allerminst aan Amsterdam is voorbehouden. In talrijke steden over de hele wereld schieten zulke tenten als paddenstoelen uit de grond, of het nu Vancouver is, Istanbul, Moskou of Kunming. Dit heeft onder andere te maken met de opkomst van creatieve economieen, de daarmee gepaard gaande concentratie van individuen met een hoge opleiding en op culturele consumptie gerichte life style, en de ontwikkeling van nieuwe vormen van moderne stedelijkheid. Maar wat gebeurt er eigenlijk in die koffietenten? Samen met een grote groep studenten uit de BA sociologie zoeken we dat uit.

Grote en minder grote steden worstelen met de vraag hoe de kwaliteit van de stedelijke samenleving kan worden verbeterd. Resultaten van statistisch onderzoek wijzen op een toenemende tweedeling en ook de beeldvorming in de media roept het beeld op van sociale desintegratie. Aangewakkerd door een aantal incidenten, waarbij groepen uit de samenleving de facto tegenover elkaar kwamen te staan, is er sluipenderwijs ook in het beleid een conceptuele tweedeling ontstaan. Enerzijds een optimistisch en stimulerend verhaal over stedelijke vernieuwing en dynamiek ('creatieve industrie', dynamiek, revitalisering van havengebieden, 'broedplaatsen', sleutelprojecten) en anderzijds een pessimistisch wijkgericht verhaal over 'achterstand', 'probleemwijken', conflicten en stagnerende sociale mobiliteit. Het is noodzakelijk om deze verschillende ontwikkelingen - die zich inderdaad tegelijkertijd voordoen - in een breder perspectief te plaatsen: maatschappelijk succes ...

vations of only two ethnic groups, Puerto Ricans and Mexican Americans, over a period of approximately ten years, 1965-1975, in only one metropolitan area, Chicago. The great importance which the author places upon the activities of the community activists or confrontational organizations in the development of a new Latino ethnic consciousness also constrains his formulations. Consequently, several theoretical and practical questions about "Latinocization" are left for further consideration. For example, one may ask why the Puerto Rican and Mexican coalitions in Chicago excluded other Spanish-speaking ethnic groups. Why did two common language groups seek collectively to change public policy rather than alliances based on other important demographic characteristics, such as income, occupation, gender, color, or race? Further, is a Latino or Hispanic identity possible on a national scale? Using Padilla's formulation, there would be very little likelihood of an effective pan-Hispanic consciousness emerging nationally because of the wide diversity of the Spanish speaking population, its geographical dispersion, the concentration of single nationality groups in different areas of the country, and minimal opportunities for interaction through organizations. Padilla would hold that a genuine Latino ethnic group identity on a national level would remain entirely symbolic. However, he may underestimate the strategic importance of such psychic linkages in the political arena, as sometimes the symbolic is as important as the tangible. Communication through the modern media may serve at least as a partial surrogate for the face-to-face personal interaction which Padilla would posit as necessary for the emergence of Hispanic or Latino ethnic consciousness: One must consider also that in the 1980s transportation and communication are such that national organization may emerge which can serve as a substitute for community organization. Even with its limitations, this volume is well worth reading by scholars and lay persons who are interested in the concept of ethnicity, particularly in contemporary American society.

______________ *The views expressed in the paper do not imply the expression of any opinion on the part of the United Nations Secretariat. **Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies (IMES), University of Amsterdam, OZ Achterburgwal, 237, 1012 DL, Amsterdam, Tel. ...

Urban public space is obviously a key site of host-immigrant encounter. The heated debates in Europe about the establishment of purpose-built mosques or in Canada about monster houses show the deeper impact of changes in the urban streetscape consequent upon immigration. The establishment of ethnic shopping malls or commercial precincts, such as Chinatown or Klein Turkei, with their specific shop windows, street furniture and the whole shebang, is another, perhaps more promising case. The proliferation of these precincts is interesting because it is—at least partly—driven by commercial intentions and ties in with the emerging service economy and the role of cities as sites of consumption. The commodification and marketing of diversity, i.e. the commercial use of the presence of the ethnic Others or their symbols in the urban streetscape, help explain the growing enthusiasm for ‘interesting’ landscapes that have the potential to draw tourists and visitors. This transformation is not ...

As a malleable concept with a relatively positive resonance, ‘diversity’ proves to be a useful tool to legitimise a range of policy strategies, goals and outcomes. In the Netherlands, the concept has gained a central role in the implementation of social mixing policies targeting so-called problematic neighbourhoods by introducing a better ‘mixed’ or ‘balanced’ population. The discursive celebration of such a mixed neighbourhood, however, often carefully evades the question: ‘A mix of what?’ Closer inspection of policy interventions reveals that the different meanings of diversity are employed to claim urban space for some groups, while excluding others. This is illustrated by a range of micro-management strategies in a shopping street in Amsterdam, Javastraat. Framed as promoting diversity, they form a symbolically loaded strategy to covertly manage ethnic and class transition by targeting the retail landscape. This article explores the (discursive) remaking of the shopping street a...

Despite the diversity of consumption and class practices of the new urban middle classes within and between societies, they share some qualities. Focusing on the lifestyles and mentalities of regulars of specialty coffee bars in Tehran, Glasgow and Amsterdam, this study explores common characteristics of this group. Our ethnography suggests that through their everyday consumption practices, coffee people share a set of ethical dispositions and cultural practices among which this article focuses on the metropolitan body, cosmopolitanism and environmentalism.

This publication, in a series edited by Johannes Hoffmann of the University of Dortmund, of a dissertation accepted at the University of Hamburg focuses on a relatively small but previously unstudied community of Polish migrants in Germany during its industrialization in the decades before World War 1. Wilhelmsburg, which was incorporated into Hamburg in 1937, received its first Polish migrants in 1888; eventually they numbered some 6,000 before their decline as a separate community in the 1920s. The author examines the process of their integration into the receiving society in chapters focusing on various aspects of the life and history of Wilhelmsburg during this period. Hauschildt makes her most valuable contribution in a long chapter on the history of the Catholic church in Wilhelmsburg, which owed its existence to the Polish migrants, the first large number ofCatholics to come into this Protestant area. Using sources found in episcopal and parish archives, she documents the extensive cooperation of the German Catholic hierarchy and clergy with the state authorities and local employers in promoting their secular goals with regard to the Polish migrants. That this led to a conflict between the migrants and the Church should not surprise. Hauschildt notes the similar development in both the Wilhelmsburg Polish community and among Polish migrants in the Ruhr of the movement demanding Polish instead of German clergymen. The author's explication of this conflict, however, does not satisfy. Although she at one point notes that "the religious interests on both sides only served as a pretense for nationalist ambitions" (p.122), her conclusion mentions only Polish nationalist agitation. Yet, the hostility of the local German clergy toward the migrants in Wilhelmsburg exceeded that usually encountered by Polish migrants in the Ruhr. Furthermore, she argues that Polish nationalist tendencies had little resonance among her migrants, as evidenced by their lack of participation in specifically Polish organizations. This incoherence in her argument and lack of sufficient detachment in the face of sources that overwhelmingly give only one side of the story is compounded by a tendency to see everything as working for integration since, after all, the migrants were integrated. Hampered by inadequate documentation, Hauschildt also at times makes cautious assumptions that harden into evidence for further assumptions, as when she concludes that few of the migrants came to Wilhelmsburg with the intention of returning to their homeland, an unwarranted assumption to begin with. Thus, while the author has unearthed interesting and valuable information about Polish migrants, her interpretation and conclusions need to be reexamined.

"silent majority". The fairly recent (1976) articulated policy guidelines of how to deal with the question of the presence of some four million foreign nationals in Germany had some unanticipated consequences: for instance, an indirect devaluation of the ethnic minority who became targets of a "war on poverty", or the "affirmative action" approach to distribution of public housing which created resentment of those Germans felt bypassed in housing allocation. The difficulty with Tsiakalos' explanatory hypothesis is that it purports to explainA uslaenderfeindlichkeit in general when in reality his data and the explanandum deal with the Turks who appear to be the butt of ethnic jokes as well as of physical aggression. Furthermore, the resentment is articulated mostly by pensioners and acted out mostly by youths which would call for a more discriminant hypothesis. Unfortunately, the author rejects the explanation of the antagonism between Germans and foreign workers offered by the German sociologist Hermann Korte, whom he quotes. Korte used a competition model of socioeconomic interaction explaining the antagonism of the fourth generation Polish workers (Germans now, of course) in the coal mining districts of the Ruhr valley and the recent influx of foreign workers both of which groups seem to be competing for the same economic advantages and status. The resulting uncertainties and frustrations could very easily lead to scapegoating especially towards visible minorities, given the cultural traditions of authoritarianism in such neighborhoods. In any case, the book at hand offers too little evidence to allow for a claim of validity to the cultural racism hypothesis. Perhaps Professor Tsiakalos will be able to gather more material as the present situation certainly calls for explanation and treatment.