πλήρης τίτλος:
Evangelos Kofos, Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia, Institute for Balkan Studies,
Θεσσαλονίκη 1964
===
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
CONTENTS
TABLE OF MAPS
GLOSSARY OF TERMS AND
ABBREVIATIONS
INTRODUCTION
PART
ONE
NATIONALIST STRUGGLES FOR
MACEDONIA
CHAPTER I: THE STRUGGLE FOR
OTTOMAN-HELD MACEDONIA
The Historical Roots of the
Controversy
A.
The
Macedonian Greeks in the War of Independence
B.
The National Awakening of the Slavs
Macedonia : A Contest Prize
for Diplomacy 13
A.
The Religious coup: The Establishment of the
Exarchate (1870) and its Consequences
B.
The Diplomatic coup: The Treaty of San
Stefano (1878) and its Legacy
C.
The Military coup: The Annexation of Eastern
Rumelia (1885) and its Significance for Macedonian Developments
Macedonia: A Contest Prize
for Underground Activities
A.
Penetration
by the Exarchate : 1885-1893
B.
The Impact of
Propaganda on the Peoples of Macedonia
C.
The Birth of
the I.M.R.O. and its Objectives : 1893-1902
D.
Serbian
Activities from 1887-1902
E.
Greek
Reactions : 1893-1902
CHAPTER II : WARS FOR
MACEDONIA
The Macedonian Stuggle:
1903-1908
The Balkan Wars
A. Diplomatic Negotiations
B. Wins and Losses in the Wars
C.
The World War and the Peace Settlement
A. The Bulgarian Occupation of
Macedonia
B. The Treaty of Neuilly and
the Exchange of Minorities
CHAPTER III : THE INTER-WAR
YEARS
The “Macedonian Question” in
Yugoslavia and Greece
A. The Case for Southern Serbia
B. Greek Macedonia and the
Slavophones
The l.M.R.O. and the
Macedonian Question in Bulgaria
PART TWO
BALKAN COMMUNISTS AND THE
MACEDONIAN QUESTION
CHAPTER IV : THE YEARS OF
PREPARATION
The Formation of Communist
Parties and the Macedonian Question
A. The Macedonian Struggle
B. The Revolt of the Young Turks
C. The Wars and the Balkan Socialists
International Communism
Adopts the Bulgarian View : 1921-1935
A.
The
Ideological Setting
B.
Bulgarian
Efforts for an “Independent Macedonia” : 1920-1924
C.
The Slogan
for a “United and Independent Macedonia” and its Impact
1. Resolutions by the BCF and
the Comintern
2. The KKE in the Light of the 1924 Resolution
3. The CPY following the 1924 Decision
4. Communists and the I.M.R.O.
The Emergence of National
Socialism : Reversion of Communist Tactics
A. The Seventh Comintern
Congress
B. The Greek Communists
C. The Yugoslav Communists
D. The Bulgarian Communists
E.
CHAPTER V: WAR AND
OCCUPATION IN MACEDONIA : THE POLICIES OF THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
The Eve of the Second World
War
A. German-Yugoslav-Negotiations for Macedonia
B. German-Bulgarian Negotiations for Macedonia
The Bulgarian Occupation of
Macedonia
A. The Bulgarians in Greece
1.
Occupation in Eastern Macedonia 'UESTION
2.
Propaganda and Subversion in Western Macedonia
B. The Bulgarians in Yugoslav
Macedonia
The Greek and Yugoslav
Governments-in-exile
CHAPTER VI: WAR AND
OCCUPATION IN MACEDONIA: THE ROLE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTIES
The Struggle for Yugoslav
Macedonia
A.
The Conflict
between the CPY and CPB
B.
The 1943
Jajce Resolution and its Impact
The Struggle for Greek
Macedonia
A.
The KKE and the “Slav-Macedonians”
B.
Yugoslav Interest in the Greek Partisan Movement
C.
The Slav-Macedonian National Liberation Front
(S.N.O.F.)
D.
The Wartime Position of the KKE on the National
Issue
E.
The KKE and the Bulgarians
Liberation
A. The Establishment of the
People’s Republic of Macedonia
B. Yugoslav-Bulgarian Negotiations for Federation
(1944-1945)
C. The Bulgarian Communists and Macedonia (1945)
D. Greek Macedonia in 1945
E.
CHAPTER VII: FROM LIBERATION
THROUGH THE TITO- COMINFORM SPLIT
The Paris Peace Conference
Toward a Yugoslav-Bulgarian
Agreement: 1946-1948
A. Internal Problems in the
People’s Republic of Macedonia
B. Bulgarian Concessions
C. The Bled Agreement
D. Soviet Reactions
The Guerrilla War in Greek
Macedonia
A. The KKE on the Macedonian
Question at the Outbreak of the Rebellion
D.
Yugoslavia
and the Guerrilla War in Greece
E.
Bulgaria and
the Guerrilla War
F.
The Role of
the "Slav-Macedonians” in the Rebellion
G.
The United
Nations on the Macedonian Question
The Impact of the
Cominform's Decision on the Macedonian Question
A. The Last Year of the
Guerrilla War : July 1948 - August 1949
1. From July to December 1948
2. The KKE’s New Macedonian
Policy: The January 1949 Resolution
3. Reaction against KKE’s New Policy
4. End of Yugoslav Support to the Guerrillas
5. The Departure of the "Slav-Macedonians”
from Greece
B. Bulgaria’s New Dominant Role
in Macedonian Politics
CHAPTER VIII: THE DECLINE OF
THE CONTROVERSY
The Last Years of the
Stalinist Era : 1949-1954
A. The KKE and the
"Slav-Macedonian” Issue in exile
1. Inter-Party Recriminations
2. Rivalry between Skopje and the KKE
3. The Formation "of Iliden”
B. Greek-Yugoslav Relations and
Macedonia
1. Diplomatic Negotiations
2. From Normalization to Alliance
The Era of Uneasy
Co-existence
A. Yugoslav-Bulgarian
Reconciliation: 1955-1957
B. New Yugoslav-Bulgarian Feud
over Macedonia: 1958-1960
C.
The KKE and the Yugoslavs: 1955-1962
CONCLUSIONS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX
===
Introduction
For almost a century, the
Macedonian Question has occupied a unique position in Balkan politics, unique
because it is the most controversial issue keeping the Balkan peoples apart.
In Macedonia, as in most
highly disputed lands, one hardly feels confident when trying to untangle the
strings of confusion. In the endless game of politics, propaganda has been
elevated to the rank of scholarship; hopes and national aspirations have
assumed the form of rightful demands. A serious student of the problem, or a conscientious
diplomat in the field, experiences uncertainty as to what constitutes a fact
and what a myth in the Macedonian paradox.
Macedonia has suffered from
far too extensive a bibliography, one tending to obscure rather than clarify
the real issues. Few have been the true scholarly works. Most of the books,
brochures, pamphlets and articles have been written in the heat of passion,
prompted by the urge to defend or to project one side over the other. The
geographic boundaries of the region, for instance, have been exposed to
numerous interpretations and have caused many a scholar and propagandist to
devote time and energy arguing on end over seemingly insignificant points.
History, always a convenient means for converting past glories into
contemporary political claims, has been twisted and recast a hundred times in
order to justify individual national views. Worse yet, the analysis of the
ethnological structure of Macedonia has been subjected to a savage treatment at
the hands of the respective national propagandas, since it was felt, that
whoever appeared to command the loyalties of the majority, enjoyed a greater
chance of seeing his views enforced.
Today, however, marks a
period of relative calm. The revolutionaries—known either as chauvinist comitadjis
or communist guerrillas—have been withdrawn from the scene. Though propaganda
war is still on, it is now strong and aggressive, now gentle and couched in
diplomatic undertones. In such a tranquil respite this study was undertaken
hoping to shed a little more light on a complex issue; weigh a little more
soberly the events which shook this part of the world in recent years, and draw
—if possible — the proper conclusions in order to better comprehend the elements
and motivations which tend to bring the Macedonian issue constantly to the
foreground.
The Macedonian Question has
been a combination of age-old national antagonisms, messianic ambitions, Great
Power politics, racial suspicions, economic considerations and, more recently,
conflicting socio-political ideologies.
Initially, it commenced as a
typical example of a national awakening of neighboring peoples, only it soon
manifested itself in an unbridled urge for territorial expansion, sometimes
justified, more often not. At the same time, the geopolitical value of the
region attracted the attention of the Great Powers who tended to complicate the
issue and accentuate local antagonisms by espousing now one, now the other of
the Balkan peoples.
The peace treaties which
ended the Balkan wars and the First World War, settled the issue juridically.
The population transfers of the first two decades of the 20th century,
reduced, to some extend, the importance of the ethnological aspect of the
problem. Yet, other considerations continued to keep it alive. Among them were
economic interests, as expressed in Bulgarian efforts for a territorial outlet
in the Aegean Sea; group pressures, like the case of the Bulgarian Macedonian
refugees in Bulgaria agitating for return to their native villages in Greek and
Yugoslav Macedonia; and irresponsible actions by the various dictators who had
come to power in the Balkan states during the inter-war period and who tended
to act impulsively on whatever concerned Macedonia. Finally, the emergence of
communism in the Balkans was instrumental in reviving and accentuating the old
controversy.
Before anyone proceeds with
a study of this problem, it is important that certain bacic facts are well
taken into consideration.
Macedonia is neither a
geographical nor a national entity. For the past fifty years it has remained,
above all, a political problem which from time to time, emerges with varied
degrees of acuteness. A land of high mountains and fertile plains, traversed
by wide but unnavigable rivers which follow a general southerly direction, it
occupies the most important economic and strategic location in Southeastern
Europe. Its natural and confortable harbors of Thessaloniki and Kavala, on the
Aegean, can stimulate the trade of the entire peninsula; they can also provide
excellent access to the interior of the Balkans for military operations and,
indeed, they have. Its plains which cut the monotony of southern
Balkan mountain ranges constitute the granary not only for Macedonia but for
the surrounding regions as well; yet, these same plains have been over the
ages the main gateways for invaders coming to pillage and conquer. Valuable commercial
routes traverse Macedonia linking Greece with Central Europe and the Orient
with the West; but, again, these same routes have been an endless temptation
to old and new imperialist-minded powers. In the present international
situation, Macedonia constitutes the most tempting —and vulnerable—region in
the North Atlantic defense complex. In the event of a major confrontation
between the two blocs it bars a descent of the Soviets toward the
Mediterranean, at the same time remaining a valuable forward base for the
Western Alliance. Thus, since Macedonia excels in paradoxes, it is no surprise
that whatever appears to be a God-sent gift, is frequently an unwarranted
anathema.
Today the commonly accepted
boundaries of Macedonia follow the administrative divisions of the respective
Macedonian provinces in Greece, Yugoslavia and, to some extent, in Bulgaria. In
the north, they follow the direction of the Shar Mountains and the hills north
of Skopje; in the east they move along the Rila and Rhodope Mountain ranges
and, inside Greece, along the Nestos River. The southern limits begin at the
mouth of the Nestos, and follow the coastline to the slopes of Mount Olympus
and thence, to the edge of the Pindus range. There, they take a sharp northerly
direction, forming the western boundary with the lakes of Prespa and Ohrid as
focal points.
The periphery of Macedonia crosses
four national boundaries entering only briefly into Albania in the region of
the lakes. Greek Macedonia occupies 51.56 per cent of the area, or 34,602,5
square kilometers; Yugoslav Macedonia 38.32 per cent or 25,713 square
kilometers and Bulgarian Macedonia 10.12 per cent or 6,789,2 square
kilometers.[1]
It is fruitless to trace the
boundaries of Macedonia throughout the ages. Yugoslavs and Bulgarians generally
agree on the delimitation as presented above, although at times, for political
reasons, they tend to exclude certain districts of southern Greek Macedonia.
The Greeks, on the other hand, do not accept the northern demarcation,
contending that it was drawn
arbitrarily on the basis of Ottoman administrative divisions rather, than on
historical tradition. Instead, they limit the geographical region of Macedonia
to the confines of the old Macedonian state of classical times. According to
their view, present-day Greek Macedonia, and only certain narrow belts north of
the border in Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, can be rightly referred to by the name
"Macedonia.” Consequently, when the Yugoslavs talk of a "Macedonian”
state in their country —for that matter, a "Macedonian” state of Slavs —
the Greeks feel that their neighbors are manipulating arbitrarily a name and a
state which rightfully belongs to their own classical heritage.
Today, Greek Macedonia is
divided into three geographical regions, i.e. Eastern Macedonia, comprising the
towns of Serres, Drama and the port of Kavala, Central Macedonia with
Thessaloniki, and Western Macedonia whose major towns are Kastoria, Fiorina,
Kozani and Edessa. Administratively, it is divided into twelve nomoi or
prefectures, each with a prefect appointed by the Government. Thessaloniki is
the capital of Macedonia and the seat of the Minister of Northern Greece who
has the rank of a full cabinet minister and whose jurisdiction extends over
Thrace as well as Macedonia.
Since 1944, Yugoslav
Macedonia has been known as the People’s Republic of Macedonia,[2] one of the six federative
republics of the People’s Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Skopje, a city of
approximately 170,000[3]
inhabitants, is the capital of the region and the seat of the local government
and assembly. Administratively it is composed of seven departments,i.e. Bitola
(Monastir), Kumanovo, Ohrid, Skopje, Stip, Tetovo and Titov Veles.
At present, the regions
which comprise what was traditionally known as Bulgarian "Pirin”
Macedonia, are the Prefecture of Blagoevgrad and the district of Kiunstendil in
the new (1959) Prefecture of Stanke Dimitrov. The Prefecture of Blagoevgrad
comprises six administrative districts: Blagoevgrad, Goce Deldev, Petrid,
Razlog and Sandaski. In addition there are the town-districts of Bansko and
Melnik.
The Macedonian provinces in
Greece and Bulgaria are fully integrated in the respective countries with no
separate status. Only Yugoslav Macedonia, for reasons which will be analyzed
in due course, has a type of autonomy as a federated component of Yugoslavia.
There is no communion between the
three parts of Macedonia. In fact, there is more dividing them than uniting
them, the only exception being the relationship between Bulgarian and Yugoslav
Macedonia whose common historical past and racial kinship tend to bring them
together. Yet, even in their case, political considerations influence their
orientation more effectively than historical ties.
Today, Greek and Bulgarian
Macedonia are ethnically homogeneous regions. In Greek Macedonia, according to
the latest official figures, there are 1,700,835 inhabitants of whom 41,017 are
classified as Slav-speaking. In Bulgarian Macedonia (Prefecture of Blagoevgrad only), according to the 1956
census there were 281,015 inhabitants of whom 187,789 were classified as ethnic
"Macedonians.” At present, although the results of the 1961-1962 census
have not been published, all inhabitants are considered as ethnic Bulgarians.
Yugoslav Macedonia is a different case. Since 1944, a "Macedonian”
nationality has been recognized by the communist regime, and all the
inhabitants of the region —known until that time as Serbs or Bulgarians—are
termed "Macedonians.” According to 1961 official estimates, the population
of Yugoslav Macedonia is 1,404,000.[4]
It is not for this
introductory section to try to examine in detail the merits of the argument
over the question of the existence of a "Macedonian” nationality. It is
only hoped that in subsequent pages this point —as well as a score of others
—will emerge a little more clearly.
The present book is divided into two parts. Part
One, which is based on secondary sources, has been included mostly as an
introduction for the uninitiated reader and as a basis for allowing for
intelligent comparisons. Briefly, it reviews the "old” Macedonian
Question, as it developed from the time of its 19th century awakening of
nationalities to the Second World War when Bulgaria, allied to Nazi Germany,
appeared to have come close to realizing her century-old aspirations of
occupying the entire region. Part Two, which is far more extensive and brings
to light previously unpublished data, deals with the role of communism in the
shaping of the "new” Macedonian Question. It begins with a return to the
first decades of this century, when the Bolsheviks began to consider the
potentialities of the Macedonian issue for the advancement of their own
objectives in the Balkans; it ends at the time of this writing when tensions
are considerably low on all sides.
[1]
Figures for the Greek and
Bulgarian Macedonian regions are taken from Christopher S. Christides, The Macedonian Camouflage in the Light of Facts and Figures (Athens : The Hellenic Publishing
Company, 1949), p. 53, and for Yugoslav Macedonia from Petit Manuel de la Yougoslavie, 1962 (Belgrade: Federal Institute of Statistics,
1962), p. 20.
[2]
In April 1963,
Yugoslavia and her republics replaced the "People’s Republic” by the
"Socialist Republic.” Since the present book deals with events prior to
this change, the old name will be retained.
[3]
Petit Manuel de la Yougoslavie, 1962, op. cit., p. 121.
|
[4] Ibid., p. 20. The 1953 official
statistics for the population gave a more detail breakdown for the population
of the " P.R. of Macedonia: ”
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
"Macedonians”
|
861,000
|
|
Turks
|
204,000
|
|
Skipitars (Albanians)
|
163,000
|
|
Serbs
|
35,000
|
|
Gypsies
|
20,000
|
|
Vlachs
|
9,000
|
|
Croats
|
3,000
|
|
Montenegrins
|
3,000
|
|
Yugoslavs (various)
|
2,000
|
|
Greeks
|
1,000
|
|
Bulgarians
|
1,000
|
|
Slovenians
|
1,000
|
|
Russians
|
1,000
|
|
Undesignated
|
1,000
|
|
Total
|
1,305,000
|
Source: Federal Statistical Institute : Statistical Year-book of Yugoslavia, 1959 (Belgrade, April 1959), p. 23.
